Botswana's Independence: An In-Depth Critique

Introduction

Botswana, which gained independence in 1966 after eighty years as the Bechuanaland Protectorate under British colonial rule, is widely regarded as an “African success story” (Acemoglu et al., 2001). This reputation is largely attributed to its effective governance and economic management. From the outset, the country’s first president, Seretse Khama, and his administration pursued policies aimed at ensuring both economic and political independence, fostering stability and growth. Botswana’s economy experienced sustained expansion until the 1990s, with only brief periods of stagnation, even amid global economic crises. Government-led initiatives, including the establishment of a Public Debt Service Fund, played a crucial role in maintaining long-term economic stability, particularly as government spending in relation to GDP increased significantly between the 1980s and 1990s. However, scholars such as Scott Beaulier have observed a shift in Botswana’s economic model over time, from a proprietary state focused on economic development to a predatory state increasingly centered on power consolidation and revenue redistribution. By the early 2000s, government involvement accounted for nearly 40% of economic activity, with spending making up a third of the country’s GDP in 2003 (Beaulier, 2003). This growing state presence in economic affairs, particularly from the 1990s onward, has fueled debates over the long-term sustainability of Botswana’s development trajectory. This article aims to present an overview of the main socio-political and economic policies undertaken by Botswana’s government. This is done by focusing on the second phase after its independence, highlighting the framework that led the country to its successful results, without failing to explore some of its main challenges.

Figure 1: Tcega John, J. (2020). Kori Bustard.

Historical Background

Botswana's economic development occurred progressively within an economic system originally designed for independence, which, in its initial phase, was based on limited state intervention and market-oriented strategies. By 1966, Botswana had already dissolved its trade ties with Britain. However, after the death of the republic's first president, Seretse Khama, in 1980, his vice president and fellow Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) founder, Ketumile (Quett) Masire, succeeded him. Masire’s appointment was crucial in shaping a strong culture of presidentialism in Botswana, which has remained a defining feature of its political history (Good, 2008; Ronza, 2019). Masire was a complex figure: while he largely continued Khama’s policies, particularly in foreign affairs, he also exercised many of the functions he had previously handled as vice president. At the same time, he strongly invoked Botswana’s founding principles—democracy, development, unity, and self-reliance—as central to its foreign policy. Additionally, his domestic policies were guided by the goal of achieving Kagisano (social harmony, in Setswana) (Zaffiro, 1993).

In discussing the country’s presidentialism, several scholars have specifically criticized Masire in comparison to Khama. Jack Parson, for example, highlighted differences in their ability to appeal to the electorate, particularly in the Central and Kweneng Districts, as well as to the political elite. He argued that the 1989 general elections marked a shift in the BDP’s composition, making it more technocratic and less traditional. He noted that, "the primary routes to parliamentary membership and cabinet office were increasingly through the civil service and non-agriculturally based business and professional careers” (Parson, 1993, p. 77). Furthermore, he pointed out that by 1984, one-third of BDP members had already been in office for at least two decades, with eleven of the party’s thirty-four candidates in the 1984 elections having first run as early as 1965 (Parson, 1993). Masire’s economic policies also represented a continuation of Khama’s, particularly in terms of economic planning. Through National Development Plans (NDPs), the government allocated state investments and set five-year development targets. These policies followed Khama’s assertion that economic decisions were based not on ideology but on universal core values. Initially, the government pursued a laissez-faire approach, though some direct interventions occurred over time. Beaulier noted that Botswana’s policies were more market-oriented and liberal than those of most sub-Saharan African states (Beaulier, 2003).

The government maintained an open approach to both private and public investment, supported by a favorable tax policy (Lewis & Sharpley, 1988). In this context, Patrick Molutsi observed that foreign financing, which increased notably in the 1980s, played a key role in shaping both Botswana’s foreign and domestic policies. His analysis focused on the types of funding provided by various international actors and how these investments were directed into different sectors according to the influence of donor states and organizations. He further argued that official aid had contributed significantly to both income distribution and overall economic growth, with a notable example being Norwegian aid, which was primarily directed toward health care and road infrastructure (Molutsi, 1993). Also relevant is the funding provided to the state by leading global financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and various United Nations offices. Their intervention has had significant effects on both the country's economy and its democratic process. It is crucial to note, however, that Botswana has had a special and direct relationship with the IMF, which has resulted in the country not qualifying for the structural adjustment programs imposed on many nations in the Global South (Castaignet & Koleva, 2007). Nevertheless, Botswana has received aid, and its public debt has grown steadily since the 1980s (Molutsi, 1993). Interestingly, this has not become a limiting or obstructive factor for the country's economy. The stability of the country’s currency, the Pula, has played a crucial role. Historian Kenneth Good noted that the currency's stability helped maintain low levels of public debt, partly due to the country's foreign exchange reserves: "Outstandingly, no significant foreign debt was acquired in doing so" (Good, 2008, p. 10). Botswana's economic growth has continued consistently since 1966, with brief periods of stagnation in the latter half of the 20th century. According to Good (2008), this growth was primarily due to the thriving diamond trade, which was part of the broader strategy of sound economic management. Both Good and Ellen Hillbom (2012) have also emphasized the country's reliance on diamond-based economic development. The value of diamond exports rose from $43 million in 1976 to approximately $1.4 billion in the mid-1990s. By the late 20th century, minerals—primarily diamonds—accounted for 35% of Botswana's gross domestic product (GDP). In 2002, total diamond sales reached $1.8 billion, making Botswana responsible for about 25% of rough diamonds in global trade (Good, 2008).

This economic success was largely directed by the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning (MFDP), established in 1970 to oversee development planning. The mining sector received substantial investment, particularly following the opening of the Jwaneng mine in 1982. However, other sectors, with the exception of government services, tourism, and meat production, have been relatively neglected. Good (2008) highlighted the significance of this trend, pointing out that while the agricultural sector grew by 8.3% between the 1970s and 1980s, growth slowed to 2.2% in the 1980s, before contracting further to an average of 1.2% by the 1990s due to declining investment in the sector.

Figure 2: Bob, C. (2020). Sheep, Rama & Qara Tree.

Critiques of Botswana’s Economic System

A critical issue was raised by scholar Rodger Yeager (1993), who questioned whether Botswana could truly be considered a "Modern Pastoral Democracy", given the continued significance of agriculture for subsistence despite broader national modernization. However, traditional wealth distribution patterns have persisted. This economic imbalance is evident in statistics from 2003-2004, where agriculture, despite being the economic foundation for nearly half the population, contributed only 2.3% of GDP. The sector's decline is particularly stark: while it accounted for 33% of GDP in 1970, this figure had dropped to just 6% by 1993. In contrast, Botswana's meat sector—the country's second-largest export industry—has received significant investment. The Botswana Meat Corporation (BMC) played a central role in this growth, with exports reaching 239,283 head of cattle in 1984. This expansion was facilitated by the 1975 Lomé Convention and trade agreements with Europe. Investment focused on improving infrastructure, resource distribution, and a comprehensive livestock vaccination campaign (Hillbom, 2012). The manufacturing sector has instead experienced fluctuating phases of development and decline. Despite a long-term downward trend, it has never served as a major subsistence sector for the population. While manufacturing accounted for 6% of GDP in 1970, this figure dropped to 4.8% by 1998-2000 and further declined to 4.1% in 2003. Tourism, by contrast, has remained relatively stable, consistently contributing around 5% to GDP between the 1980s and early 2000s (Good, 2008).

Furthermore, Botswana has also experimented with private-sector development initiatives. In 1982, the government introduced the Financial Assistance Policy (FAP) to support small and medium-sized local enterprises. The FAP provided capital grants for small-scale projects exclusively to citizens, while larger investments were subject to more stringent conditions (Lewis & Sharpley, 1988). The program was discontinued in 2001 and replaced by the Citizen Entrepreneurial Development Agency (CEDA) (Hillbom, 2012). Ellen Hillbom applied Frederick Cooper's "gate-keeping state" model to Botswana, arguing that the country represents a clear example of economic growth and social development without structural transformation. She critiqued the widespread characterization of Botswana as an "African developmental state," stating, "The combination of economic success and social development has led scholars to discuss Botswana as if it were an African developmental state" (Hillbom, 2012, p. 67). Hillbom identified key weaknesses in Botswana's development model, particularly its heavy reliance on a finite natural resource—diamonds—without pursuing structural economic change. Wealth distribution inequalities persist, especially within the agricultural and livestock sectors. Given Botswana's reliance on a high-value, capital-intensive sector, such as diamond mining, the country has struggled to create broad-based economic opportunities. Large investors dominate the industry, and the sector does not generate substantial employment. Indeed, Botswana's GDP distribution remains highly concentrated. This disparity is well illustrated in a study by Professor Sekwati of the University of Botswana, which examined the country’s economic diversification challenges (Sekwati, 2010).

As a result, there has been no significant redistribution of wealth in Botswana, where the Gini coefficient is 0.54, representing one of the highest rates of income inequality in the world (any figure above 0.40 is considered critical by United Nations standards). According to the World Bank's 2011 data portal, consulted by Hillbom, about 31 percent of the population lived below the national poverty line. In Hillbom’s analysis, dating back to 2012, the increasingly unequal division of income and resources coincided with an official unemployment rate of 18 percent. Hillbom thus pointed out that the data testified to the growth of rural poverty, alongside an increasing polarization of resources (Hillbom, 2012). Similarly, Kenneth Good, in an earlier work, noted that estimates placed the unemployment rate between 24 and 40 percent in 2005, with a significant percentage of unemployed youth. Good asserted that a significant shift occurred in the 1980s, marking the end of the phase of rapid economic growth and, consequently, the increased demand for labor. Accordingly, Good adopted the term "demo-feudal republic" to describe Botswana, a definition previously used by Kedikilwe. He further emphasized that the country's modern cultural politics remains permeated by the symbiosis of wealth and political power. Continuing in this vein, Good highlighted a series of corruption scandals that emerged between the late 1980s and the 1990s, emphasizing the lack of transparency in the country. Citing a 2001 preliminary report by Transparency International Botswana (TIBOT), he noted that investigations revealed a country “where a wealthy ruling elite used their influence and authority to enrich themselves at the expense of the majority of the people” (Good, 2008, p. 71).

Good further analyzed widespread inequalities in the country, focusing particularly on the dispossession process affecting minor ethnic groups, especially the San. His study underscored the stark reality of a society that privileges a few while remaining heavily dependent on a diamond-based economy. He emphasized that national prosperity, concentrated in the hands of an elite, rests on a foundation of poverty and landlessness. This marginalized segment of Botswana’s society, with limited protections, remains highly vulnerable to hunger, malnutrition, and destitution (Good, 2008). The issue of food security has been a recurring theme in the country’s politics, particularly in the early post-independence period. Due to a series of famines, the first of which occurred shortly after independence, Botswana has developed strong famine management strategies.

John Cathie and Hermann Dick conducted a case study covering the period 1965-1984, concluding that the government was highly effective in providing food assistance during times of famine, particularly in the early years after independence. However, they noted that the continued implementation of nutritional aid programs created a dependency syndrome within the population. By the final years of their study, they observed a shift in policy strategy, expanding beyond subsistence nutrition to efforts aimed at establishing a sustainable in-state food supply (Cathie & Dick, 1987). Despite these efforts, the situation has deteriorated: Good reported that the percentage of people suffering from chronic food insecurity rose from 18 percent in 1990-92 to 24 percent in 1999-2001. Citing UNICEF, he further noted that, in Botswana, “poverty has a woman’s face” (Good, 2008, p. 82). This observation aligns with various critiques of the country’s gender policies. An extensive study on women's roles in African social movements, with a specific focus on Botswana, was conducted by Agnes Ngoma Leslie. She analyzed the emergence of Emang Basadi in 1986, describing it as the first organization to challenge the state’s discriminatory laws. The movement arose in response to the Citizenship Act, which prevented Botswana’s women from passing their citizenship to their children if they married a foreigner. Emang Basadi was founded by six women, including Athaliah Molokomme, Onalena Doo Selolwane, Motsei Madisa, and Ntombi Setshawelo, the organization's first president. The group opposed the deeply patriarchal nature of Tswana society, where women were underrepresented and excluded from active roles, particularly within the traditional kgotla system (Leslie, 2006).

Figure 3: Ntcox’o, C. (2020). Animals and Trees.

Concluding Remarks

Despite Botswana’s reputation as a model of democratic governance and economic success, significant challenges persist, particularly regarding gender equality, wealth distribution, and political inclusivity. While traditional institutions such as the kgotla remain male-dominated (Moumakwa, 2010), the advocacy efforts of groups like Emang Basadi led to legal reforms, including the 1992 revision of the Citizenship Act and Botswana’s eventual adoption of CEDAW. Subsequent policies, such as the National Gender Program (1998), aimed to integrate women into political and economic structures, yet systemic barriers and deeply rooted resistance to gender equality endure (Leslie, 2006).

Economic and political inequality also remain central issues. Scholars such as Good and Taylor (2008) argue that Botswana operates as a “minimalist democracy,” where electoral processes function but governance remains highly elitist, marked by clientelism, executive dominance, and a lack of public debate on wealth disparities. Hillbom and Bolt (2012) further challenge the notion of Botswana’s political excellence, highlighting historical and structural inequalities, including the marginalization of the Basarwa ethnic group, rural-urban disparities, and the increasing centralization of presidential power. These critiques contrast with the more optimistic assessments of Botswana’s governance, such as those of Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson (2001), who emphasized the country’s early post-independence success.

Ultimately, while Botswana’s initial development policies fostered economic growth and stability, concerns over growing authoritarianism, entrenched inequalities, and the concentration of power within the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) suggest a more complex and contested political landscape than is often portrayed.

Bibliographical References

Acemoglu, D., Johnson, S., & Robinson, J. A. (2001). An African Success Story: Botswana.

Beaulier, S. A. (2003). Explaining Botswana's Success: The Critical Role of Post-Colonial Policy. Cato J., 23, p. 227.

Castaignet, E., Koleva, M. (2007). Botswana: A Success Story of Economic Development Policies in Africa? Presentation for Studying African Development History.

Cathie, J., & Dick, H. W. (1987). Food Security and Macroeconomic Stabilization. A Case Study of Botswana, 1965-1984. Westview Press: Colorado.

Good, K. (2008). Diamonds, Dispossession & Democracy in Botswana. Boydell & Brewer Ltd: Suffolk.

Hillbom, E. (2012). Botswana: A Development-oriented Gate-keeping state. African Affairs, 111(442), pp. 67-89.

Hillbom, E., & Bolt, J. (2018). Botswana–A Modern Economic History: An African Diamond in the Rough. Springer: New York.

Leslie, A. N. (2006). Social Movements and Democracy in Africa: The Impact of Women's Struggles for Equal Rights in Botswana. Routledge: London.

Lewis, S. R., & Sharpley, J. (1988). Botswana’s Industrialisation. Institute of Development Studies, 245.

Molutsi, P. (1993). International Influences on Botswana's Democracy, in Stephen John Stedman (ed.), Botswana: The Political Economy of Democratic Development. Lynne Rienner: Colorado, pp. 51-61.

Momukwa, P.C. (2010). The Botswana Kgotla System: A Mechanism for Traditional Conflict Resolution in Modern Botswana. Case study of the Kanye Kgotla. Available:

https://munin.uit.no/handle/10037/3211.

Parson, J., & Stedman, S. (1993). Liberal Democracy, the Liberal State and the 1989 General Elections in Botswana, in Stephen John Stedman (ed.), Botswana: The Political Economy of Democratic Development. Lynne Rienner: Colorado, pp. 65-90.

Ronza, R. (2019). Botswana: qualcosa si muove nella “Svizzera d’Africa”, ISPI. Available:

https://www.ispionline.it/it/pubblicazione/botswana-qualcosa-si-muove-nella-svizzera-dafrica-24271

Sekwati, L. (2010). Botswana: A Note on Economic Diversification. Botswana Journal of Economics, 7(11), pp. 79-85.

Zaffiro, J. J. (1993). African Legislatures and Foreign Policy Making: The Botswana Case. Botswana Notes & Records, 25(1), pp. 39-58.

Yeager, R. (1993). Governance and Environment in Botswana: The Ecological Price of Stability, in Stephen John Stedman (ed.), Botswana: The Political Economy of Democratic Development. Lynne Rienner: Colorado, pp. 91-132.

Visual References

Cover image: Qgam, Coex’ae. (2020). Curu Ghuu Veldfood. (Artwork). Kuru Art Project. https://yourbotswana.com/kuru-art-project/.

Figure 1: Tcega John, Jan. (2020). Kori Bustard. (Artwork). Kuru Art Project. https://yourbotswana.com/kuru-art-project/.

Figure 2: Bob, Coex’ae. (2020). Sheep, Rama & Qara Tree. (Artwork). Kuru Art Project. https://yourbotswana.com/kuru-art-project/.

Figure 3: Ntcox’o, Cg’ose. (2020). Animals and Trees. (Artwork). Kuru Art Project. https://yourbotswana.com/kuru-art-project/.